By Jesse Marx
By Chris Parker
By Jake Rossen
By Jesse Marx
By Michelle LeBow
By Alleen Brown
By Maggie LaMaack
By CP Staff
This coming fall, the U.S. Department of the Interior and the Environmental Protection Agency plan to spill 11,000 gallons of crude oil off the coast of Washington state's Olympic peninsula. EPA scientists, clad in full body condoms, will monitor the flow of the oil slick as it passes over a marine mammal sanctuary containing some of the best orca whale habitat in the Pacific. Then, hopefully before the goop fetches up on the shores of the Makah and Quinault Indian reservations, Coast Guard helicopters will swoop onto the scene to drop incendiary bombs to burn off the slick.
Billed by proud government flacks as an enviro wargame, this mad exercise actually represents unconditional surrender to the oil industry. What we have here is taxpayer money underwriting industry efforts to persuade the public (which, despite trillions in PR campaigns, still maintains a healthy loathing for Big Oil) that drilling in the most ecologically sensitive areas is just fine, and that even the worst disaster can be cleaned up swiftly.
In their domestic drilling program, the next big prize for the oil companies is an expansion of their explorations on the outer continental shelf of the Pacific Northwest. Right now the outer continental shelf is the property of the federal government and for leasing to begin, there would necessarily have to be some form of governmental/oil industry partnership, with the government acting as leasor and indeed guarantor of the oil companies' prospecting.
For the past generation there's been a moratorium on such drilling, and the feds are rightfully fearful of outrage if the public senses that an environmentally dangerous sell-out to Big Oil has taken place. The memories of the battles in the 1960s over the Santa Barbara channel oil spills off the coast of southern California are still vivid in the minds of federal bureaucrats and oil company executives. Those oil spills from the first wells drilled on the outer continental shelf generated such public anger that even the most conservative politicians have opposed new drilling off the coast of northern California, Oregon, and Washington. But a new generation of federal bureaucrats and politicians are on the scene and the ever-patient oil companies feel that now may be their time to strike.
There is, of course, every reason for the public to be skeptical. An independent counsel who investigated the Department of Interior's oil leasing practices put together a report in 1994 that was recently turned up by the Project on Government Oversight, a public-interest outfit based in Washington D.C.
From this report it emerges that 10 companies extracting oil and gas from federal lands in California have underpaid the U.S. Treasury by at least $1.5 billion. The scam results from the underpayment of royalties and accumulated interest dating back to 1960. The companies are: Texaco, Shell, Mobil, ARCO, Chevron, Exxon, UNOCAL, Phillips, Santa Fe, and Oryx. By federal law, a quarter of this money should have been returned to the state of California's school system. The remainder should have been deposited in the Land and Water Conservation Fund, a federal account used to acquire public lands for parks and wildlife reserves.
When confronted with this report, did the U.S. Interior Department, bastion of Babbitt the Magnificent, instantly threaten to bring down the full weight of the U.S. Justice Department on the defaulting oil companies? No. Babbitt's Interior Department did no such thing. Instead, the Department has proposed a simple write-off of the non-payment as an accounting loss, with a reform of the regulations to ensure that no oil company will ever again face the embarrassment of being called derelict in its payment practices.
Along with the oil slick, Babbitt's boys are planning for the Olympic peninsula, this affair tells us everything we need to know about the untrammeled power of the oil industry today.
The colossal theft from the California school system and the conservation fund was engineered by the big oil companies in the following fashion. Back in 1960, the companies joined together and submitted one bid for the outer continental shelf reserves on the southern California coast. Because the companies colluded on their bid, the price paid for these lucrative deposits was a pittance of their real value. Wells were developed, and the companies--acting as a cartel--prevented any independents from getting into the action.
These big oil companies are all "vertically integrated" producers, meaning that they own the entire spectrum of oil-related production facilities: wells, pipelines, refineries, and pumping stations. Such absolute control gives the oil cartel a stranglehold on pricing. For example, the cartel can artificially depress the price of crude oil at the wellhead in order to drive independents out of the action and to reduce its own royalty payments to the federal government. Such royalty payments are based on the price of crude oil. But the cartel can easily recoup by simply running up the price of oil and gas at the refinery or at the pump. This explains why crude oil prices were low this last spring, while at the same time prices at the pump went through the roof. It's also how the theft of the $1.5 billion took place.